Manual Finding Your Costa Rica : 5 Powerful Steps to Personal, Professional and Financial Success

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COSTA RICA

We all have two options in life; accept what is given; or negotiate a future We all have two options in life; accept what is given; or negotiate a future of our design. By getting our emotional and physical needs met, our enjoyment of life increases.

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This requires satisfying our needs independently or with the A constitutional reform created a Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court Sala Constitucional or Sala IV with far-reaching judicial review powers: the Sala IV has become one of the most assertive and politically significant courts in the Americas. Apart from exercising an emphatic accountability function, the court has been willing and able to support and enforce an expansive range of individual rights.

The court is open days a year, 24 hours a day. Thus, the court leveled the judicial playing field for all claimants and has had a profound impact on the balance of political power in the country. It has brought the constitution to life, placing it at the center of all political and rights questions in the country.


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Figure 1 shows a rapid increase in litigation following the inauguration of the Sala IV, but it was not until the early s that the first health rights cases were filed. Rather, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court after its creation in constructed a constitutional right to health.

Of those nine, seven were merely patients requesting permission to take their current medications at home instead of at a medical facility. In , highly effective triple combination ARV therapy had been developed and was in use in the US and other countries. In response to the new litigation, however, the CCSS made the same cost-based argument it had successfully employed in the case.

This increasingly expansive definition of the right to health has been frequently cited in many subsequent cases and, as seen in Figure 1, lit a slow-burning jurisprudential fuse that eventually resulted in an explosion of health rights cases. The impact of this decision was remarkable and fast; morbidity rates for people living with HIV and AIDS declined significantly after the decision, reversing the trend of the s and s.

Since the success of the decision, the number of amparo a writ to protect or reestablish constitutional rights or human rights contained in international instruments to which Costa Rica is a signatory cases claiming a right to medications increased gradually with some fluctuations before it exploded from onwards. While this rapidly increasing quantity of cases might discourage claimants from filing claims, the court has made great effort to reduce the length of time it takes to reach a decision on amparo cases.

From onward, that time fell, reaching an average of seven weeks in Also, while the vast majority of amparo cases are unsuccessful approximately 75 percent , medical amparo cases tend to succeed more often. In the period under discussion here, medical amparo claims against the CCSS succeeded in over 60 percent of the cases.

While it is clear that the number of cases has been increasing since , little is known about the scope, outcome, and impact of those cases. Hogerzeil et al. Their impact on the health system and its allocation of scarce health care resources is not known. As noted by Hogerzeil et al.

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Progressive implementation of the right to health requires a State to choose which components should be implemented first. Under such circumstances, should courts of justice or national committees of experts decide how public funds are spent in the most equitable and cost-effective manner? Although several types of health-related cases are brought to the constitutional court, such as cases related to non-discrimination, surgeries, waitlists, quality of care, and others, a particularly interesting class of cases concerns access to medications.

These cases are also the source of much of the criticism against the Sala IV from members of the CCSS who argue that these health rights medication decisions lead to the misallocation of scarce resources, corruption by unscrupulous lawyers and doctors acting on behalf of pharmacy companies, and by foreigners accessing court-mandated free medicines. Or does the court decide with claims that from a public health or social justice perspective would be seen as a low priority? In short: does health rights litigation concerning the right to medications lead to more fairness in access to treatment and distribution of health benefits?

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In this paper, we review 37 successful cases from Costa Rica concerning access to medicines brought to the Sala IV in We classify them according to standard fairness criteria from the public health and priority-setting literature. Figure 2 illustrates the growth in the total number of cases based on the right to health. Figure 3 shows the development of a litigation strategy used by patients to file cases at the Sala IV against the CCSS to make a claim for a specific medication.

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The solid line in Figure 3 shows the increasing number of successful cases claiming a right to medications that the CCSS had previously denied. Taken together, these figures clearly demonstrate a delayed learning effect where claimants appear to have slowly recognized the creation of an effective legal opportunity that would allow them to approach the court to obtain medications that the CCSS had previously denied.

Source: Zamora Zamora, Preliminary report.

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February To investigate the impact of this health rights litigation, we created a database of all the right to health cases filed with the Sala IV against the CCSS in Costa Rica for the year This database allows us to look deeper into these cases and conduct an evaluation of their impact on the equitability of the health system. In total, there were almost 18, cases filed, the vast majority 16, writs of amparo, of which approximately were right to health cases.

Second, we searched for published cost-effectiveness studies and reports where these medicines have been evaluated according to the methods of health technology assessment HTA. Third, we extracted priority-relevant medical evidence concerning health outcomes and costs from the identified studies and reports. In addition, we extracted information about the quality of evidence concerning health outcomes and costs. After extracting priority-relevant evidence for the medications in question, we explicitly evaluated each medicine according to predefined criteria for priority classification.

Finally, we summarized all evidence for each criterion, combined it into an overall assessment, and classified each medicine into one of four priority groups with declining rank of importance from a standard public health priority-setting perspective. Most scholars agree that the two main goals for health systems are: efficiency and fairness in the distribution of health and health care.


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We developed a framework for priority classification based on such standard fairness criteria from the public health and priority-setting literature:. By experimental interventions, we mean interventions judged as experimental according to evidence by a trustworthy health technology assessment agency. An intervention for a given condition is assigned high priority if it addresses a severe condition where the prognosis is poor in terms of lost life years or reduced quality of life , if it is highly effective improves the prognosis with regard to life years or quality of life , and if it is reasonably cost-effective.

We grade clinical effectiveness in terms of QALYs. For studies where severity of disease was not reported, we extracted relevant information and indirectly estimated the health gap by using QALY gain with standard treatment with the help of life tables for the relevant country. We use this as an indicator of her severity of disease. In addition, we assessed whether effectiveness and cost-effectiveness had been documented in high-quality studies preferably from randomized controlled trials.

For the detailed framework, see Table 1. In our material of 37 randomly selected cases which concerned access to medicines and were brought to the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court, we found that 2. Only three of the drugs are already on the official WHO essential drugs list. Table 2 provides more detail and summarizes all evidence for each criterion and combines it into an overall assessment of each medicine. Each medicine is classified into one of four priority groups with declining rank.